Normally,
I don’t take much notice of lawyers when they impinge on the body politic. One
exception was Lionel Tribbey, who left a lucrative Chicago practice to take up
the appointment of Senior White House Counsel to President Josiah Bartlet, a
major character in The West Wing. When two administration White House
assistants purposely infringe the law, causing Tribbey to delay a vacation to
resolve the problem, he storms into the Oval Office, using these immortal
words: “I will kill people today. I will kill people with this cricket bat,
which was given to me by Her Royal Majesty Elizabeth Windsor, and then I will
kill them again with my own hands. I was ready to take a vacation, Mr.
President, I was ready to go someplace warm, with a beach, somebody bringing me
drinks with little umbrellas in them!” Now, that’s what I call lawyering.
I often wonder whether Tribbey’s character and name
was borrowed from Laurence H. Tribe, (also pronounced Tribbey) who is the Carl
M. Loeb University Professor and Professor of Constitutional Law at Harvard Law
School. Tribe is one of the most respected lawyers in his field. Many lawyers
believe it is a pity that he has not been raised to the Supreme Court bench. I
respect his legal opinions, so when he writes that the time has come for Congress to
launch an impeachment investigation of President Trump for obstruction of
justice, I sit up and take notice.
Tribe’s
case is that America is faced with a President whose conduct strongly suggests
that he poses a danger to the system of government. Impeachable offenses could
theoretically have been charged from the outset of this Presidency. Tribe cites
as an example Trump’s brazen defiance of the foreign emoluments clause, which
is designed to prevent foreign powers from pressuring U.S. officials to stray
from undivided loyalty to the United States. By retaining some influence on the
Trump business empire, the breach continues daily.
There are
now multiple investigations underway into the whims of an authoritarian leader.
Tribe argues that Comey’s summary firing will not stop the Russian inquiry, yet
it represents an obvious effort to interfere with a probe involving national
security matters vastly more serious than the “third-rate burglary” that Nixon tried to cover up in
Watergate. The question of Russian interference in the 2016 Presidential
election and possible collusion with the Trump campaign goes to the heart of America’s
system of government and ability to conduct free and fair elections.
Consider,
too, writes Tribe, how Trump embroiled Deputy Attorney General Rosenstein and Attorney
General Sessions, despite Sessions’ recusal from involvement in the Russia
investigation, in preparing phony justifications for the firing. Trump also used
both Vice President Pence and White House staff to propagate a set of blatant
untruths before giving an interview to NBC’s Lester Holt that exposed the truth
about firing the FBI Director. Trump admitted he had made up his mind long
before receiving the opinions of his law officers.
Tribe
comments that the Trump/Comey
encounter was even more sinister, with Trump insisting that Comey pledge
“loyalty” to him in order to retain his job. Publicly saying he saw nothing
wrong with demanding such loyalty, the President turned to Twitter with a none-too-subtle threat that Comey
would regret any decision to disseminate his version of his conversations with
Trump, something that Comey has every right, and indeed a civic duty, to do.
I’m not personally confident about this allegation: in the midst of a red
scare, President Harry Truman insisted that all administration officials swear
a loyalty oath or be dismissed and Congress raised no sustained objection.
Tribe’s
major point is to say that if the evidence does not in itself rise to the level
of “obstruction of justice”, that phrase is to empty the concept of all
meaning. Obstruction of justice was the first count in the articles of impeachment against Nixon and, years
later, a count against Bill Clinton. In Nixon’s case, the list of
actions that together were deemed to constitute impeachable obstruction reads
like a forecast of what Trump may have done decades later, making misleading
statements to, or withholding material evidence from, federal investigators or
other federal employees; trying to interfere with FBI or congressional
investigations; trying to break through the FBI’s shield surrounding ongoing
criminal investigations; dangling carrots in front of people who might
otherwise pose trouble for one’s hold on power.
Tribe
makes an interesting legal case but would a Congress of the president’s own
party to initiate an impeachment inquiry? Are the votes there? A majority in
the House is required to approve article of impeachment and 67 Senate votes are
required to convict. When all is said, impeachment is more a political than a legal
process and if the votes are not there, why proceed? Trump’s unpopularity seems
to be on the increase and if Congressional Republicans start to see their seats
are at risk in the 2018 mid-terms, minds may change.
Like most nations, there is a national
barometer that does not like surprises. The US stock market has been unfazed by
Trump’s shenanigans. This may mean that Tribe will have to wait a while for his
predictions of a Trump impeachment to come true. For sure, none of this would
have happened during President Bartlet’s incumbency.
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Since writing this blog, three things
happened. The Justice Department announced the appointment of former FBI
Director Robert Mueller as special prosecutor to investigate the alleged
Russian interference in the 2016 Presidential election. I have yet to read the
precise terms of reference and the powers given to Mueller but there is no
doubt that a political circus will occur in Washington this summer.
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