Who Judges the Judges? The
Politics Surrounding the Supreme Court.
The events of the past few
weeks relating to the Kavanaugh nomination to the Supreme Court have been
shocking. A female University professor has been put in the pillory for
accusing Kavanaugh of disgraceful behaviour some thirty years ago. Kavanaugh’s Senate
defence, to me, was unedifying, mere bluster, and demonstrating conduct falling
well short of any Supreme Court justice. But politics has often been the driver
of the Court.
Whilst the atmosphere in
which Supreme Court proceedings are conducted is almost invariably collegiate
and polite, behind the scenes politics bubbles. The Supremes are no slouches
when it comes to butting heads with each other, not to mention taking on the
other two branches of American government.
From almost the birth of
the nation, the Court challenged the rights of both the executive and
legislative branches. In 1803, Chief Justice John Marshall wrote the opinion of
a unanimous court in the landmark ruling in Marbury v Madison, when the
court struck down an act of Congress, the Judiciary Act, 1789. It ruled the Act
unconstitutional because it conflicted with the Constitution by giving the
Supreme Court more authority than given to it by the Constitution.
In the face of attacks on the judiciary launched by Thomas
Jefferson and some senators, Marshall maintained the status of the Supreme
Court as the head of a co-equal branch of government. By asserting power of
judicial review to declare acts of Congress unconstitutional, Marshall established
the paramount position for the Court as interpreter of the Constitution. He handled
the tricky politics like a master.
In 1954, the Supreme Court handed down a unanimous
verdict in Brown v Board of Education, Topeka, Kansas. The ruling sought
to end racial segregation in federal public schools ‘as soon as reasonably
practicable.’ (It took more than a decade until Nixon’s busing policy resolved
the issue.) The Brown case, which had five other Board of Education defendants,
had already been heard by the Supreme Court but Chief Justice Fred Vinson died
before a ruling was made. The new chief justice, Earl Warren, had the case
re-tried and took time to persuade his fellow justices to reach a unanimous
ruling. When it was given, President Eisenhower and Southern Democrats in
Congress were both astonished and angry. Warren had played politics in taking
the first concrete steps to end racist segregation.
The Court asserted rights against the executive branch in
the Nixon Tapes case. By a majority of 8-0, the President was ordered to
disclose Oval Office recordings, including the infamous ‘smoking gun’ tape. Over
the years, conservative lawyers have questioned the ruling on grounds that it
was more political than legal. Incidentally, the ninth justice, William
Rehnquist, recused himself as he was nominated by Nixon. Here was a justice
doing the right thing.
Arguably, the Court’s most political decision was the
2000 ruling in Gore v Bush, when the Supremes decided 5-4 to reverse a
Florida Supreme Court request for a selective manual recount of that state’s US
Presidential election ballots. The Supremes effectively handed the election to
Bush. The most significant sentence of the majority opinion stated that the
decision would not be regarded as a precedent. In simple terms, the ruling was
political, not legal.
America has watched the grubby side of judicial politics
as the Kavanaugh nomination reached the end game. On Saturday, the Senate confirmed
him by 50 votes to 48 in a partisan political vote. Normally, i.e. before 1992
and Clinton, the confirmation process for a Supreme Court justice was
straightforward. But over the years, politics has reared its head. It is not
unusual for a nominee to get a bumpy ride, not only from the Senate but the
partisan media. When Elena Kagan was nominated, I watched astonished when a Fox
News person – I will not give her the title of journalist – said: “She looks
like a dike, so she will be favoring women’s issues.” Yes, it happened. I kid
you not.
Recently, the confirmation process has become badly skewed
in the Senate where merits seem not to count and partisan politics rules. The
Republicans in the Senate blocked President Obama from filling a Supreme Court
vacancy in the last two years of his term for spurious and blatantly political
reasons. They wanted and hoped for an opportunity for the next president,
hopefully a Republican, to fill vacancies. Trump has put two conservatives on
the Court.
When the Court has a vacancy, a short list of candidates
is prepared by senior White House advisers. The Justice Department, the
American Bar Association and many other interest groups are consulted and
temperatures taken. The FBI carries out background checks.
Once the President announces his decision from the short
list, the process moves to the Senate. The Senate Judiciary Committee
interviews the nominee at length, then votes to approve or disapprove the
nomination. This is serious business for a President. If his nominee is
rejected, it sends out messages of poor approval process in the White House and
poor judgment by the President. George W Bush nominated Harriet Miers. She was the
Bush family lawyer. She withdrew from the process when politicians and lawyers alike
decried the choice, further damaging Bush’s already tarnished reputation.
Once the Judicial Committee approves the nomination, it
goes to the Senate for a straight up and down vote, i.e. a simple majority is
all that is needed to confirm the choice. In the event of a tied vote in the
Senate, the Vice-President has the casting vote.
Kavanaugh’s nomination was at risk of being derailed by
the claims of college professor Dr Christine Blasey Ford. In a televised
hearing, she gave a lengthy statement and was dignified, and to my mind credible,
under cross examination. Subsequently, the President waded in to help his
beleaguered nominee. In a rally in Mississippi, a Trump stronghold, he posed
some questions: “How did she get to the house? She doesn’t remember. How did
she get home? She doesn’t remember. Where was the place? She doesn’t remember.”
All these questions were fair until you listen to the mockery and scorn in
Trump’s voice. But, unlike the UK Prime Minister, a President can wade into the
argument, undignified as it may be. Sub-judice rules would not operate in
America in any event as the Senate is not a court of law.
Trump has been savvy. By supporting the beleaguered Kavanaugh,
he energized the Republican base in seats of the eight Senate elections which
are Republican held. If Republicans continue to hold their Senate majority, it
will be two years more before the Democrats can challenge court appointment. In
that time, how many more Supreme Court vacancies will there be?
Now Kavanaugh is nominated, is that the end? Not necessarily.
These days, anything can happen, especially if the Democrats win majorities in
both Houses of Congress in next month’s mid-term elections. A Democratic held Congress
could impeach the new justice if new evidence is found to prove he lied before
the Senate. However, the only impeachment precedent for a Supreme Court justice
was that of Samuel Chase in 1804 and he was acquitted. As I have often said,
impeachment is political, not legal.
Another potential move would require a Democrat in the
White House, as well as Democrats holding majorities in both Houses of
Congress. The numbers of Supreme Court judges could be increased. Congress has
this right. The Constitution does not specify the numbers of Supreme Court justices.
The move was tried by FDR in 1937. The “Court Packing Plan,” as it was known,
failed because both Houses of Congress did not like the chief executive interfering
with the judicial branch. But times have changed and I would not put it past
the Democrats to try.
In the Kavanaugh fiasco, SCOTUS, and by extension the
American people, is the biggest loser. The events of the past two years,
especially the last month, put the court into serious disrepute. When a former
Supreme Court justice and more than one hundred college law professors all call
for the nomination to be withdrawn and are ignored, one has to wonder if the
Senate Republicans are not only deaf but dumb.